Civil society and Syrian women’s solidarity

Syrian organizations have played an important role since 2011, especially in northwestern Syria, assisting displaced communities, providing protection services, and addressing women’s urgent needs. While many initiatives have alleviated suffering, efforts to achieve sustainable economic and political empowerment have been limited and hindered by structural challenges, short-term funding, and donor priorities. The Syrian civil society is the most capable, flexible and adaptive actor in advancing women’s solidarity in the post-conflict period. Their accumulated experience, community presence, and relative flexibility position it to design more effective interventions that empower women, strengthen their voices, and support their access to leadership and decision-making roles in a future Syria.

The impact of the Syrian conflict on women

The years of conflict in Syria have inflicted harsh and unprecedented consequences on women, as the social, economic, and security structures of the country have been fundamentally transformed. Hundreds of thousands of women were turned into sole breadwinners due to the killing, arrest, disappearance, or injury of their loved ones, forcing them to shoulder heavy responsibilities without real support. The number of political detainees who were arrested in security detention centres is estimated at more than 1.045 million. The percentage of female-headed households inside and outside Syria increased as the demographic structure of the country shifted significantly due to the large-scale migration of men and youth fleeing death, conscription, or searching for safer and better livelihoods for their families.

Illiteracy rates increased, and female dropout rates rose sharply due to displacement, poverty, insecurity, and the targeting of schools. These conditions contributed to a marked increase in early marriage, especially in camps. The fragile security situation, military operations, and forced displacement caused many families to lose their official documents, affecting women’s lives and restricting their mobility and their ability to register their children or claim their rights.

Millions of women suffered from displacement, forced migration, and life in camps lacking even the minimum standards of safety, services, privacy, and basic needs[1]. This led to a loss of stability and increased dependency on aid. The number of internally displaced persons in Syria is estimated at 7.2 million, of whom 5 million are concentrated in northwest Syria under the control of the Syrian opposition. The number of camp inhabitants in the region reached 2 million, with adult women constituting around 32% of the population and children 54%. The war and conflict dispersed families, weakened support systems for women, limited job opportunities, and suppressed wages. Women experienced deep economic vulnerability exacerbated by limited vocational training and restricted access to skills development.

In recent years, begging among women and children has increased and become organised, driven by groups exploiting them for illegal activities such as prostitution and drug trafficking. Cases of workplace exploitation also rose, whether in terms of wage dumping, harassment, or sexual exploitation. The violent conflict of the past decade increased domestic violence due to economic and psychological pressures, with rising rates of violence by men against women and women against children. This complex situation made women one of the most vulnerable groups in Syria, most exposed to loss of security and empowerment, highlighting the urgent need for an active civil society and safe spaces.

The emergence of civil society in Syria and its various roles

Civil society in Syria had no real existence due to the overbearing security apparatus and was limited mainly to a few charitable associations. Syrian civil society re-emerged after 2011, especially in areas outside regime control, where the collapse of public services and the shrinking role of the state created a need for alternative support systems. Efforts evolved from volunteer-based initiatives into more institutionalised forms. Civil society organisations have developed across four forms: the civil society of the diaspora, considered the most developed and effective according to several studies due to its role in cross-border humanitarian assistance[2], civil society in northwest Syria, civil society in northeast Syria, and several emerging but constrained organizations within regime-controlled areas.

Diaspora organisations have played a crucial role in international advocacy, documenting violations, supporting survivors, and influencing policies affecting Syrian women[3]. These organisations benefited from more liberal legal environments, like in Turkey and elsewhere, and their operations were officially licensed. They implemented programs and services for IDPs and displaced communities in northwest Syria across sectors such as education, protection, empowerment, and humanitarian assistance. Several women-led and feminist organisations have emerged and directed their programs targeting women.

In northeast Syria, civil society evolved in a different political environment with different regulations and laws. They contributed to expanding women’s participation and strengthening protection networks. In the Assad regime-held areas, civil society remained largely confined to relief work due to despite the security and administrative challenges.

The revival of Syrian civil society is one of the major achievements of the Syrian revolution. It managed to fill the gaps left by state collapse, organise communities, raise awareness, and open multiple spaces for participation, especially political participation.

Where did Syrian civil society succeed?

Despite the financial difficulties and emergency work conditions, civil society achieved significant successes regarding women's issues. There was a clear focus on women, with many women-led or feminist organisations established, and other organisations forming specialised units for projects targeted at women[4], particularly in the protection sector, which received substantial financial support, which from donors point of view remained cheaper than undertaking other activities and allowed execution without confrontation with those in power. The number of female employees in these organisations increased, including in case management and women’s safe spaces as a prerequisite for funding.

Civil society organisations helped prepare women to enter the labour market and supported economic empowerment through vocational training and specialised capacity-building services. Numerous studies and assessments focused on women’s needs, living conditions across regions, and their vision of the Syrian future[5].

Many civil society organisations invested in political empowerment through training, awareness, and intellectual development programs. In the opposition areas, women were trained to participate in local councils and leadership roles, and awareness campaigns on their rights were launched. Women’s networks and collectives were established, and Syrian women gained access to international conferences and platforms, making their voices heard by policymakers[6], as well as they also engaged in some advisory roles. Syrian civil society created alternative spaces for women's solidarity, knowledge exchange, and leadership experiences previously inaccessible to women.

Where did Syrian civil society fail or struggle?

With all these achievements, civil society interventions with women were not ideal; rather, they suffered from many problems and challenges. Many of the empowering programs were elite-centred, targeting already empowered women mainly in Turkey or the diaspora, more than reaching the most vulnerable inside Syria, especially women in camps. Program quality, variety, and impact differed significantly. Many organisations emphasised political empowerment at a time when most women struggled with economic hardships and barriers to education[7]. Many organisations were preoccupied with minimal emergency response, such as food basket distribution, overlooking essential needs like hygiene kits or sustained development-oriented interventions – topics I navigated in details in my soon to be published thesis.

While organisations struggled to meet escalating emergency needs and dwindling funding, they failed to target all women. Women with disabilities, elderly widows, adolescent girls, or women in camps were often excluded from any empowerment programs beyond relief ones. Programs were frequently based on assumptions or donor priorities rather than actual needs.

These shortcomings weakened the impact: many initiatives were short-term, fragmented, and unable to produce meaningful changes. In some cases, projects targeted at women generated community tensions due to poor management, selective service provision, or neglect of cultural sensitivity. My experience with workers in feminist organisations working with IDPs showed that similar organisations face a cultural backlash and sometimes receive threats for “changing social traditions.”

Some initiatives were donor-driven rather than society's priorities-driven, prioritising rapid empowerment without engaging broader community structures or fostering real social change. The communities in the camp prioritized education beyond primary school level, whereas donors’ emphasis was on 2-3 days a week vocational training, which usually lasted for 6 months. The duration wasn’t enough for women to actually learn a vocation and generate a sustainable livelihood. In addition, there were no efforts to raise community awareness or secure its support on some sensitive issues, such as domestic violence and early marriage. What is more, men felt that women were being favoured in NGOs' projects and job opportunities, which created resistance. Economic empowerment projects lacked sustainability; they did not lift families out of poverty nor enable self-sufficiency in a collapsed economy with low purchasing power. Instead, they sometimes increased dependency, exposed women to exploitation, or triggered familial and social tensions by targeting some groups over others. An official in a camp once told me during my research about women’s situation that “women refuse to participate in any vocational training or work because it might disqualify them from receiving aid.”

Even in protection sector organisations did not always focus on urgent priorities (e.g., enough water for sanitation during COVID-19) or assisting victims of chronic domestic violence. Solutions remained theoretical and temporary without addressing root causes. One example comes from fieldwork in the camps where 40 families had to share one toilet. Objections to the issue received “lack of funding” as a response. Civil society lacked long-term development strategies for women and struggled in an emergency-driven, underfunded environment—resulting in partial, fragmented impact.

What is required from Syrian civil society toward women?

The collapse of the Assad regime left Syria in a severely fragmented socio-economic and political landscape, marked by weakened institutions, widespread unemployment, and the erosion of traditional support systems. In this environment, women, already carrying a disproportionate share of economic and social burdens, will face heightened vulnerability and limited access to decision-making spaces. These conditions make the role of civil society both essential and realistic: its prior experience, community presence, and relative flexibility position to bridge governance gaps, create protection networks, promote women’s solidarity at the local level, and learning from previous lessons. As displacement, trauma, and economic insecurity continue to reshape communities, civil society will need to work alongside emerging authorities to support women’s participation and autonomy, prioritising practical livelihood opportunities and community-based mechanisms that foster collective resilience and ensure inclusive recovery.

Women’s priorities and problems currently vary greatly by location, awareness levels, and socio-economic conditions. With the return of civil society and the relocation of diaspora organisations into Syria, several priorities emerge:

1. The need for assessments and needs surveys for women at the governorate and community levels, and mapping women’s skills and capacities.
2. Strengthening women’s inclusion in participatory development programs and increasing their contribution to development planning.
3. Designing development strategies and projects targeting the most vulnerable women and advocating for government-backed social protection programs.
4. Transitioning from short projects to multi-year strategies prioritising education, capacity-building, economic empowerment, and violence reduction. Sustainability is more important than activity volume.
5. Supporting flexible education programs and creating women-specific scholarship opportunities.
6. Strengthening legal and social protection, legal aid, referrals to specialised service providers, and continuous psychosocial support,especially in camps and fragile communities.
7. creating women’s business incubators, and developing community-based economic partnerships.
8. Enhancing political participation, including women in organisational decision-making, supporting their access to local councils, and ensuring spaces for meaningful—not symbolic—participation.
9. Creating women’s solidarity networks and safe spaces for experience-sharing, mutual support, and cross-regional alliances.

In a post-conflict Syria, civil society stands as the most viable and inclusive arena for rebuilding women’s solidarity. Unlike state institutions, whose recovery will require years of restructuring, civil society possesses the agility, community reach, and accumulated experience that enable it to respond quickly to women’s evolving needs. Its presence in local communities and its networks across regions and the diaspora make it uniquely positioned to connect women who live under very different conditions yet share similar struggles.